Conference on Transnational Higher Education and Belt and Road Initiative

Where: University of Manchester, Manchester, UK (Ellen Wilkinson Building)
When: 8 November 2018, 11.00 am – 5.00 pm

To register to attend, please go to Eventbrite:
For questions, please contact the conference organising team:
Miguel Lim ( ),
Heather Cockayne ( and
Helen Chan (

Conference Programme

TNHE and BRI Conference Programme-1


China-to-UK Student Migration and ‘Green’ Behaviour Change: A Social Practice Perspective

Tyers, R., Berchoux, T., Xiang, K., & Yao, X. Y. (2018). China-to-UK Student Migration and Pro-environmental Behaviour Change: A Social Practice Perspective. Sociological research online, 1-23. Online first


Dr Roger Tyers, University of Southampton

Significant life-course changes can be ‘windows of opportunity’ to disrupt practices. Using qualitative focus group data, this article examines whether the life-course change experienced by Chinese students migrating to the UK has an effect on environmentally impactful practices. It does so by examining how such practices are understood and performed by Chinese and UK students living in their own countries, and contrasting them with those of Chinese students in the UK. Using a social practice framework, these findings suggest that practices do change, and this change can be conceptualised using a framework of competences, materials, and meanings. The findings show meanings – the cultural and social norms ascribed to pro-environmental behaviour – to be particularly susceptible to the influence of ‘communities of practice’ where immigrants and natives mix, with pro-environmental behaviour change resulting from assimilation and mimesis rather than normative engagement.


When students leave home to go to university, they are likely to change many aspects of their behaviour, and adapt and develop many of their attitudes and values as well. Some of these changes might be profound, and possibly last a lifetime. When students migrate to a new country, such changes can be even more dramatic. This paper looked specifically at ‘green’ behaviours and attitudes – those that relate to individual environmental impacts such as energy use, transport choices, and waste disposal, and specifically at Chinese students who come to study in the UK.

To collect data for this paper, my colleagues and I conducted qualitative focus group interviews with three groups of students: Chinese students in China (at the University of Xiamen), British students in the UK (at the University of Southampton), and Chinese students who had come to the UK to study (also at the University of Southampton). In total, we held seven focus groups with 46 participants.

We used ‘practice theory’ as our theoretical framework. Practice theory is a relatively novel way to think about the collective ways we do things (Scott et al, 2012; Shove et al , 2012). Practices – habitual ways we commute, eat, wash, cook, play sport, go on holiday, and so on – can be thought of as a combination of three elements: the meanings, competences, and materials involved in their ‘performance’. Competence refers to the ‘skill’ necessary for a given activity (for example, knowing how to recycle properly), materials refer to the physical ‘stuff’ required for it (e.g. access to recycling bins in your house or workplace), and meanings refer to the socio-cultural connotations or ‘image’ attached to it (e.g. thinking that it is important and worthwhile to recycle).

In our focus groups, it became clear that the three elements were more present and deeply embedded for the UK students than the Chinese students (that had stayed in China). To use the recycling example, the British students reported having far more experience of the ‘skill’ to recycle for many years compared to the Chinese students. They also reported having the ‘stuff’ to recycle – recycling bins, regular collection of plastic, glass etc, and the importance of recycling – the ‘image’ – was something that was ingrained in them from childhood. For Chinese students, these elements were not always present. In particular, the ‘image’ or ‘meaning’ element – the importance of recycling, was far from universal. Jing (a 21-year-old female Chinese undergraduate in the UK) illustrates the difference regarding ‘materials’ or ‘stuff’ which enables recycling:

“About litter sorting. I am quite environmentally-friendly I think so I do litter sorting. But in my home [in China] there are not corresponding boxes for different kinds of litters, but here [in the UK] I do ‘cause I see different boxes. So …”

For the third group – those Chinese students who had come to the UK – something interesting seemed to have happened after they migrated to study. Many students in this group said that they had changed their ‘green’ practices since coming to the UK. They had become far more likely to recycle and turn off lights, and less likely to litter or waste energy. The three elements were now present in their daily lives, in a way that had not always been true when they were at home in China. In particular, the ‘meanings’ or ‘image’ element was the one that changed the most. The students said that the cultural value of green behaviour in the UK which they observed among their western classmates and lecturers both on- and off- campus (their ‘community of practice’), led them to want to ‘fit in’. One participant Xiaoke (a 22-year-old female Chinese postgraduate in the UK) put it as follows:

“In China if everyone just throw litters around, and you put it in your pocket, it’s weird. But here everyone put it in pocket, then you won’t throw it around. It’s much like we say ‘thanks’ or ‘sorry’ more frequently here. Big social environment is important.”

The Chinese students who had come to the UK did not say that they suddenly had a revelation of the importance of being green, they just wanted to fit in. For those concerned by behaviour change, this is interesting because it suggests that the desire to fit in and be accepted by one’s peers – a process Bourdieu (1977) called ‘Mimesis’– might be more powerful than actively educating people to change.

I am now planning to build on these findings by looking at Chinese students who have studied in the UK and since returned to China. It will be interesting to see if behaviours revert back to the way they were before they left China, or if the green changes that arise from the time spent abroad are longer-lasting. In other settings, migrants are seen to ‘transmit’ the new attitudes they have learnt within a host country, along their transnational networks, and to their home communities (Nowicka, 2015). The scope for and power of such transmission might be greater for Chinese students who, after graduation, may go back to form the future social, economic, and political elites in their country. With around 60,000 Chinese students coming to UK universities each year, and many more studying in other Western universities, this group could potentially have a pivotal role to play in a future that is greener both for China and the wider world.


Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Nowicka, M. (2015). Bourdieu’s theory of practice in the study of cultural encounters and transnational transfers in migration (No. ISSN 2192-2357). Göttingen.

Scott, K., Bakker, C., & Quist, J. (2012). Designing change by living change. Design Studies, 33(3), 279–297.

Shove, E., Pantzar, M., & Watson, M. (2012). The Dynamics of Social Practice: Everyday Life and How it Changes. London: Sage.


Author’s bio

Dr Roger Tyers is an ESRC-funded research fellow at the University of Southampton, based in the department of Sociology, Social Policy and Criminology. His interests are in behaviour change and public policy, particularly those behaviours and policies regarding the environment, energy, and transport. He can be contacted using

Educating China on the Move: A Typology of Contemporary Chinese Higher Education Mobilities

Listen to an earlier version of this paper presented at the Sociological Review Foundation sponsored seminar held at King’s College London in November 2017.

Xu, C. L., & Montgomery, C. (2018). Educating China on the Move: A Typology of Contemporary Chinese Higher Education Mobilities. Review of Education, 1-30. doi:   Context and implications document

Dr Lingling XU (Cora)

Dr Cora Lingling Xu, Keele University



The landscape of global higher education is changing rapidly in response to and alongside the geopolitical and geosocial global transformations, with China and East Asia becoming key players in higher education. As China’s economic power and strategic reach grows against a context of global uncertainty, it has become increasingly important to develop a nuanced understanding of Chinese globalisation, not least for its significance to the balance of power relations within and beyond Asia. Higher education provides a powerful lens through which to see how China is globalising and how this might impact on the world. This is manifested in its many established and newer forms of education mobilities. Recognising the lack of research efforts to systematically understand the complexities of contemporary higher education mobilities across China, this paper proposes a typology through a thematic narrative review of more than 250 peer-reviewed journal articles, government and media documents. This typology of Chinese higher education mobilities reveals three key insights, including (1) a critique on the ‘mobility imperative’ and the role of the Chinese state, (2) a call for more longitudinal and/or retrospective research to facilitate a relational understanding of the fluid nature of higher education mobilities in China, and (3) a note on the urgency of developing a
comprehensive theoretical and conceptual tool kit. This article contributes to an updated understanding of the fluid, multiple and multi-directional nature of contemporary higher education mobilities of China.


Amid the fast-changing and highly mobile global higher education scene, Chinese higher education developments over the past decades have shown notable potential to challenge the traditional dominance of Western countries. To grasp the latest trends of higher education mobilities to, from, in and related to China, this article proposes a typology that encompasses nine prototypes of student, academic and institution mobilities. This typology is based on a systematic, narrative thematic review of more than 250 peer-reviewed journal articles, government and media documents, most of which published between 2010 and 2018. The purpose of this is twofold: firstly, to understand how movement of higher education is changing and developing around this important global power and secondly, to draw out implications for the rest of the world. The main implications of the article relate to the development of a nuanced picture of how education mobility is intertwined with complex social, cultural and geographic inequalities. It brings to the fore the significance of considering external higher education mobilities in conjunction with internal forms, emphasising the importance of recognising the dynamic, multiple and multi-directional nature of mobility and noting that education mobilities can be complex, circular or part of a ‘mobility chain’ effect where one sort of mobility can lead to another. This contribution is important not only in the context of China but in other emergent economies such as Mexico, South Africa and India.

Typology of Chinese Ed Mobilities_Xu and MontgomerySource: Xu and Montgomery (2018, p. 6)

Implications for Policy

The research underpinning this article demonstrates that there are changing patterns of educational mobility globally and China can be seen as being at the nexus of some of these changes. The article may have the following implications for policy

  1. The article’s detailed and nuanced analysis of higher educations mobilities to, from, in and related to China could influence ‘Western’ higher education institutions’ policy decisions around engagement with Chinese higher education institutions.
  2. One of the main contributions of this paper is its extensive literature review which focuses predominantly on constructing a non-western perspective by giving precedence to East Asian researchers and authors. As a result of this, the article could be influential in changing higher education policymakers’ western-centric views on China’s higher education mobilities.
  3. One of the article’s main contributions is a discussion of the rural and urban divide in China and how this relates to educational mobilities. A number of large emergent economies such as India and South Africa face challenges in socio-cultural and socio-economic divisions between rural and urban populations and this article could inform governments’ understandings of the relationships between these disparities and higher education mobility.
  4. The idea of mobility is frequently associated with social improvement and is sometimes seen as a panacea for social and cultural inequalities. The paper presents a critique of the ‘mobility imperative’, questioning the premise that mobility is necessary for social change. This could inform policy of governments and also NGOs working with marginalised communities.


Useful links

ScienceNet. (2017, 1 March). Ministry of Education Releases 2016 Statistics for Outgoing and Incoming Education in China [教育部发布2016 年出国留学和来华留学], Retrieved from

THES (2018). China could overtake US on research impact by mid-2020s. . Accessed 13/07/18.


Authors recommend

Forsey, M. (2017). Education in a mobile modernity. Geographical Research, 55(1), 58-69.

Gao, X. (2014). “Floating elites”: Interpreting mainland Chinese undergraduates’ graduation plans in Hong Kong. Asia Pacific Education Review, 15(2), 223-235.

Gu, Q., & Schweisfurth, M. (2015b). Transnational flows of students: In whose interest? For whose benefit? In S. McGrath & Q. Gu (Eds.), Routledge handbook of international education and development (pp. 359-372) (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge).

Hannam, K., Sheller, M., & Urry, J. (2006). Editorial: Mobilities, Immobilities and Moorings. Mobilities, 1(1), 1-22. doi: 10.1080/17450100500489189

Hansen, A. S., & Thøgersen, S. (2015). The anthropology of Chinese transnational educational migration. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 44(3), 3-14.

Hayhoe, R., & Liu, J. (2010). China’s universities, cross-border education, and dialogue among civilizations. In D. W. Chapman, W. K. Cummings & G. A. Postiglione (Eds.), Crossing borders in East Asian higher education (pp. 77–100) (Hong Kong: Springer).

Leung, M. W. H. (2013). ‘Read ten thousand books, walk ten thousand miles’: geographical mobility and capital accumulation among Chinese scholars. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 38(2), 311-324. doi: 10.1111/j.1475-5661.2012.00526.


Author’s short bio

Dr Cora Lingling Xu (PhD, Cambridge, FHEA) is Lecturer in Education at Keele University, UK. She is an editorial board member of British Journal of Sociology of Education. In 2017, Cora founded the Network for Research into Chinese Education Mobilities. Cora has published in international peer-reviewed journals, including British Journal of Sociology of Education, The Sociological Review, International Studies in Sociology of Education, Review of Education, European Educational Research Journal and Journal of Current Chinese Affairs. Her research interests include Bourdieu’s theory of practice, education mobilities and inequalities and China studies. She can be reached at, and via Twitter @CoraLinglingXu.


The People in Between: Education, Desire and South Koreans in Contemporary China

Dr Xiao Ma, Leiden University, the Netherlands

Please find sections of my dissertation on Leiden University Repository

Xiao Ma_1


This dissertation is an ethnographic research of three groups of people from South Korea to China — parents, students and educational agents — focusing on their desire regarding education. Examining this sheds light on the subjectivities of the people who are confronted with their structural positioning as being sojourners from South Korea and foreigners in China.

The individual desire on education is induced by and reflects China’s national ‘ambition’ in pursuit of educational internationalisation and Korea’s ‘compulsion’ to incorporate overseas nationals into its rhetoric of globalisation. Both nation-states confer political privileges on the children of overseas Korean nationals in their educational trajectories (e.g. preferential treatment in university entrance) by identifying them as potential international talents resources.

Consequently, students and people around them are empowered by the state discourse and gain legitimacy to creatively comply with, tactically appropriate, or, simply discard educational arrangements by the states. Paradoxically, they simultaneously encounter regulatory, socio-economic, and geographical constraints as they reside in China and make plans for further migration.

This thesis demonstrates that ethnic solidarity is restrictive in helping Koreans obtain opportunities that they expect to have. Koreans are increasingly scattered depending on their social-economic statuses and set out to merge with non-ethnics. This trait offers a significant insight into the nuanced tendency of the Chinese immigration policy.





The people in between

This project understands South Koreans in China as ‘sojourners’ (ch’eryuja) and ‘foreigners’ (waiguoren), which are respectively identified by Korean and Chinese governments. This terminology represents a form of structural positioning endowed by the states, imbued with significant implications of favouring population mobility over settlement. I find that the government-defined terminology reflects rather than contrasts the migrants’ perceptions of the sending and receiving countries, which I call a form of ‘subject positioning’, also a status of ‘in between’ (Grillo 2007).

When making choices between different schooling systems and devising plans to go to universities in different national settings, parents and students are simultaneously sketching a cognitive map regarding the residence country, the homeland and the world beyond. Disengagement from home is conceived as a desirable opportunity to accumulate cultural capital in the younger generation; disintegration into the residence society is regarded as a preferable option to an undesirable destination. Homecoming is probably the ultimate goal, although this may be postponed due to intentions to pave the way for a smoother and more beneficial return to the homeland. The objective of remaining in the host society or re-migrating to a third destination is to be recharged overseas before returning to the highly competitive home country.


The art of being governed

Drawing on the term ‘the art of being governed’ (Szonyi, 2017), this project reveals the everyday politics between ordinary people and the state. I suggest that resistance is not the only strategy, so too is compliance. Migrant parents, students and agents learn and internalise national discourses and policies and convert them into their everyday concerns (Deleuze and Guattari 1983). It does not mean that individuals become ‘docile subjects’ who repress their desire and correspond their behaviour to social norms and political rules (Deleuze and Guattari 1983, 118). Rather, it unveils a capacity to learn and use state policies to one’s advantage, and ‘to borrow the state’s legitimacy and prestige and turn it into a political resource for one’s own purposes’ (Szonyi 2017, 221). In doing this they decide when to comply with, how to appropriate and whether to ignore state regimes. Moreover, they are able to choose which country’s policy to follow. Thus, they become subjects who tactically indulge or tame, intensify or reduce, consist in or convert their desire between different state regimes. They explore, learn and practice ‘the art of being governed’.

Being identified as potential ‘international talents’ and ‘global human assets’, the Korean students in my study are manpower highly valued in the state’s political agenda. Their mobility is indispensably supported and conditioned by their parents and the educational agents. Given the political significance imposed on students, they and the people who facilitate their movements are substantially differentiated from the politically subordinated people. They are authorised by the national rhetoric and become intimately connected with the state and capable of appropriating policies to their advantage. This demonstrates Michel Foucault’s vantage point on desire and power: the sovereignty of nation-states, as a terminal form that power takes, is by no means external to individuals and their subjectivities, rather it constitutes an integral part of them (Foucault 1978, 92).


Ethnicity and class

In general, a conspicuous sense of ethnic solidarity within each group of parents, students and educational agents failed to be manifested. Rather, they scrambled to gain more benefits and circumvent possible loss by making discursive and practical boundaries with their counterparts: expat and non-expat parents, good and bad students, illegal and exemplary businesses. A host of competition, comparison and differentiation were shown in the intra-ethnic interactions. This denotes that the extensive emphasis on ethnic origin and cultural heterogeneity is restrictive in helping Koreans obtain the socio-economic opportunities that they expect to have, which I call a process of de-territorialised ethnicity. This is not indicative of a dysfunction of ethnic institutions such as Korean schools and private-run education institutes. Rather, considerable numbers of students were reliant on the ethnic institutes in the pursuit of their dream universities in Korea, China or a third destination. To meet student demands, ethnic education agents were required to mediate multiple interest groups by transcending ethnic and national boundaries (e.g. collaboration with Chinese schools and universities).

This de-territorialisation of ethnicity occurs simultaneously alongside another tendency that I term as re-territorialisation of class. Despite being homogeneously defined as middle-class in the home country, Koreans in China developed dynamic and specific identities to differentiate their social position from other members of this group. Their identification is derived from their employment status (as expats and non-expats), income, and consumption pattern (e.g. the type of school a child attends or the neighbourhood where a family resides). As a consequence, fragmented Korean ethnic groups established connections and identified with non-ethnic counterparts such as Chinese and/or other foreigners.



Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. 1983. Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Translated by Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Foucault, Michel. 1978. The History of Sexuality Volume I: An Introduction. Translated by Robert Hurley. New York: Pantheon Books.

Grillo, Ralph. 2007. “Betwixt and Between: Trajectories and Projects of Transmigration.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33 (2): 199–217.

Szonyi, Michael. 2017. The Art of Being Governed: Everyday Politics in Late Imperial China. Princeton University Press.


Author’s short bio

Dr Xiao Ma holds a Master’s degree in Sociology from China Agricultural University in Beijing.  In 2018, she obtained her PhD in social anthropology from Leiden University in the Netherlands. Her research interests include anthropology and sociology of migration, transnationalism, migration and education, migrant and nation-state, ethnicity and class. She carried out fieldwork in China, South Korea and in the Netherlands. Her book chapter entitled ‘Educational Desire and Transnationality of South Korean Middle Class Parents in Beijing’ was published in Destination China: Immigration to China in the Post-reform Era, edited by Angela Lehmann and Pauline Leonard, Palgrave Macmillan, in 2018. Xiao can be contacted via email at


Rural-to-urban migrant children in Chinese urban state schools: from access to quality?

Picture of the author

Hui Yu

School of Education, South China Normal University, Guangzhou, China

Abstract: This paper examines the quality of education that the Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children enjoy after they got enrolled in urban state (and quasi-state) schools. It focuses on ‘migrant majority’ state schools and two typical types of quasi-state schools, namely, government-purchased private school and government-controlled private school. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in Beijing and Shanghai with 95 government officers, school leaders (headteachers and department heads), teachers, migrant parents, migrant children, local parents and local children. The findings show that the quality of education of migrant majority state schools can hardly be considered as being equal to that of traditional local state schools. As for the quasi-state school system, while realizing the migrant children’s right to education, it does not guarantee them a ‘good’ education. These situations have produced further obstacles to the migrant children’s attempts to access quality education.



Migrant children in urban state and quasi-state schools

In China, millions of rural labourers have left their hometowns to work in urban areas during the past three decades. In 2016, there were 135.85 million migrant labourers nationally (National Bureau of Statistics, 2017) with 13.95 million migrant children of compulsory education age (Ministry of Education, 2017). These children have difficulties enrolling in urban state schools because of not holding local household registration (hukou) in urban areas. Since 2001, the local governments nationwide have tried hard to make sure the majority of migrant children could enrol in local state schools. Over the past decade, the state school sector has recruited around 77%-80% migrant children nationwide (Yu, 2018).

In recent years, a group of traditionally non-elitist and ordinary state schools in Beijing and Shanghai have recruited more migrant than local students as a result of losing local children because of their school choice. As a result, these schools become ‘migrant majority’ state schools. In Beijing, in 2013 there were 562 schools (out of the total number of 1,440 schools for compulsory education age pupils) in which the percentage of migrant children is greater than 50%, and the highest percentage was 98%.[i] In the meantime, most of the unlicensed informal private schools have been turned into licensed schools. In Shanghai, the city municipality had a three-year plan (2008-2011) which aimed to support the unlicensed informal private schools to register. The main form of support is that the local government purchases or controls the school with a huge amount of investment, making it a quasi-state school. As a result, by 2011 162 registered migrant children schools had emerged with 132,000 migrant children, which accounts for 28% of the total number of migrant children.[ii]


Research question

Does enrolling in state or quasi-state schools mean that the migrant children can now enjoy equal educational resources and expect to have outcomes equal to the local children?



This paper presents findings from my PhD thesis (Yu, 2018), which examines the enactment of school enrolment policy for internal migrant children in urban China. This study chooses Beijing and Shanghai as fieldwork sites with three months of fieldwork carried out in 2014 and 2015. I followed the purposive sampling and snowball sampling strategies to get in touch with 95 participants, including: government officers, school leaders (headteachers and department heads), teachers, migrant parents, migrant children, local parents and local children. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data about the participants’ experiences, interpretations and attitudes about migrant children’s schooling and related policies.


From access to quality?

As for the migrant majority state schools, which are traditionally non-elitist and ordinary schools, they are now facing the problem of ‘declining education quality’ in terms of their declining exam results and school reputation. Many of them have recruited a disproportionate number of students as a result of receiving migrant children. Taking school X (in Fengtai District, Beijing) in my sample as an example: the maximum annual recruitment quota of this school was 60. However, in 2012, nearly 400 students (mostly migrant children) applied to this school. Finally, under pressure from the district municipal department of education, the school enlarged its recruitment number to 96. Recruiting a disproportionate number of students, more than half of my respondent teachers report a shortage of teaching and learning resources in their schools. In addition, their schools have to turn specialist music and arts classrooms into regular classrooms at the expense of losing these specialist spaces. Furthermore, the small class teaching reform in their schools, which aims to improve educational quality through the reduction of class sizes, has had to be stopped.

As for the former unlicensed informal private schools, they now receive full government funding as their sole financial resource and have been partially included into the state sector. These government-purchased/controlled schools offer quasi-state education for migrant children, but generally under worse conditions compared to state schools. The weak foundation of the schools in their unlicensed informal private school period is a common reason for the current disadvantages. Yet the main difficulty they face is the local government’s willingness to allow a low cost and inferior form of education provision in these schools. To be more specific, the funding that the schools can receive, which is calculated by the student number, is inadequate. As reported by the respondent headteachers, there is a lack of teaching resources and hardware facilities owing to the schools’ financial deficit. The funding the school receive can merely support the basic teaching activities without providing extra resources for the students to do extra-curricular activities and for the teachers to undertake professional development training. The schools have tried to enlarge class sizes in order to obtain more funding, yet this endeavour has caused a new problem – oversized classes. For example, in school Y (in Minhang District, Shanghai) in my sample, the student number is 60 per class, while in regular state schools the number should be less than 45 per class. Such overcrowding incurs complaints from my respondent migrant parents. Furthermore, the situation of low salary has also caused the instability of teacher supply, which in turn has negatively influenced teaching quality and children’s social emotional development.


Towards a ‘low cost and inferior schooling approach’

What can be identified from the above analysis is a ‘low cost and inferior schooling approach’ for migrant children conducted by the local government. In response to the conflict of limited government funding and high demand for school enrolment from migrant children, the local government chose to establish a large number of ‘schools with basic study resources’ with relatively low costs, instead of creating a number of ‘schools offering good education’ with massive investment. In other words, the realisation of access to schools for migrant children is at the expense of reducing the standard of education they receive. While some of the interviewed migrant parents express some dissatisfaction with these schools, most of them still deemed the school to be acceptable – at least it provides their children with a place to study. Yet this situation has produced further obstacles to their children’s attempts to access quality education.



Ministry of Education (2017). National education development statistical bulletin (2016). Beijing: Ministry of Education Website. Retrieved from:

National Bureau of Statistics (2017). National migrant rural labourer monitoring investigation report (2016). Beijing: National Bureau of Statistics Website. Retrieved from:

Yu, H. (2018). From access to quality? The enactment of school enrolment policy for internal migrant children in urban China (Doctoral dissertation). University College London, London. Retrieved from:


Author Bio

Hui Yu (PhD, IOE) is a senior research fellow in School of Education, South China Normal University (SCNU). His research focuses on the Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children’s education and social mobility, adopting the works of critical social theorists such as Bourdieu and Foucault. His ongoing project is about the schooling policy of children involved in cross-border migration in Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area. His works have been published in international peer-reviewed journals, including Journal of Education Policy.

Latest article:

Yu, H. (2018). “Shaping the Educational Policy Field: ‘Cross-field Effects’ in the Chinese Context.” Journal of Education Policy, 33 (1): 43-61. DOI: 10.1080/02680939.2017.1310931



Institutional profile:


[i] Data source: Beijing Municipality of Education officers

[ii] Data resource: from the policy text Shanghai Municipality of Education’s Regulation on Improving the Hygiene Condition in the Private Primary School Run for Migrant Children in 2011.


Survey Invitation: British-educated Chinese students’ work aspirations and experiences

British-educated Chinese students’ work aspirations and experiences
Are you from China? Have you studied in the UK? If yes, please take part in this survey ( and get a chance to win a £50 Amazon voucher.  If you are interested or have any questions, please contact Dr Xu at, for more details. Looking forward to your participation!

如果您是一位来自中国,在英国高校留过学 , 那么欢迎您参加这个研究项目–留英中国学生求职经历。本研究由在英国基尔大学任教的Cora许玲玲博士主持。您将需要花大概十分钟填写一个问卷(有机会参与抽奖获得五十英镑的亚马逊现金券)。链接如下: hps://
如果您有任何的疑虑或问题,请参看我们的研究信息介绍,或者您也可以联系Cora 许玲玲博士( ,或者您还可以联系基尔大学研究发展经理 Mr Mike Hession ( 或致电 44(0)1782 734580.

Call for paper: One day conference on Transnational Higher Education and the China Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

Where: University of Manchester, Manchester, UK (Ellen Wilkinson Building)
When: 8 November 2018, 11.00 am – 5.00 pm
1. Abstracts of 300 words and full author details (name, position, institutional affiliation(s),
email address and telephone number) should be submitted by 1 October 2018.
2. Submissions should be sent via email to conference organisers at:
3. Contributors will be notified about the outcome of their submission by 8th October 2018.
The conference is free to attend and there will be lunch and refreshments.
There are also limited travel bursaries (of up to £ 100) available for presenters (PhD students and early career researchers). If you are interested in applying, please indicate this in your submission.
To register to attend, please go to Eventbrite:
For questions, please contact the conference organising team:
Miguel Lim ( ),
Heather Cockayne ( and
Helen Chan (

Transnational Higher Education and BRI conference_Call for Papers-1Transnational Higher Education and BRI conference_Call for Papers-2